Will US-Israeli stooges Salman and Zayed Crush Revolution in

Algeria and Sudan in the way they crushed Islamic democracy in Egypt?

Will US –Israeli stooges Saudi Arabia-Abu Dhabi and Kuwait crush the popular uprising in Algeria and Sudan in the same way they overthrew the first ever elected president Muhammad Morsi’s government in Egypt on 3 Wednesday July 2013.

The three Gulf countries-Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi and Kuwait spent 11 billion US dollars, created artificial shortage of fuel, food and unrest to overthrow Morsi’s Islamic oriented democratic government and install Zionist stooge Abdel Fattah Al Sisi in power. In the process they also slaughtered thousands of innocent Egyptians many inside mosques.

Six years later today Israeli army Brigadier General, Aryeh Eldad, admitted in an article in the Israeli newspaper Maariv on 3 April 2019 that Israel worked to overthrow President Mohamed Morsi and orchestrated the move.

Perhaps Israel got the shameless and ruthless anti-Muslim tyrants in Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi and Kuwait to spend their country’s wealth to implement Israel’s evil design to crush the Islamic democracy in Egypt.

Now the inevitable question is what is the guarantee that these three criminal states will not crush people’s uprisings in Algeria and Sudan to please their Judeo-Christian masters.

Uprising in Algeria
Hundreds of thousands of Algerians took to streets across the country and succeeded in removing President Abdul-Aziz Bouteflika’s government. What began as protests against his bid for a fifth term as president quickly expanded into opposition to the entire regime.

There is some hope because head of Algeria’s powerful armed forces, Gen. Ahmed Gaid Salah said “The people and the army have a unified vision of the future,” Yet his secret visit to Abu Dhabi, Zionist conspirator’s cell in the Gulf, is raising concern.

The most striking feature of the ongoing uprising is that the massive rallies in the two countries are peaceful and socially mixed, with men and women, old and young, taking part—and adamant in their resolve to get rid of the regime.

Since February 22, Algeria has been shaken by unprecedented nationwide demonstrations, which remind many of us of the 2011 uprisings in other Arab countries. Algeria escaped Arab Spring, but it experienced a much earlier period of unrest when weeklong riots erupted in October 1988. The nationwide violence ended only after the regime agreed to implement political reforms, including ending the single-party system and opening to pluralism.

The most striking feature of the uprising is that the gigantic rallies taking place are peaceful and socially mixed, holding up signs deriding the rulers. One of them read, “Since you ask us to vote for a photo in a frame, we would rather vote for Leonardo da Vinci’s La Gioconda.” The demonstrators are also warning the Western powers in a humorous way not to get involved in their domestic crisis. Students from Algiers University held up a sign saying, “America, stay away from us. We don’t have oil anymore; we have only olive oil.” To French President Emmanuel Macron, who sent a message supporting Bouteflika, the students answered, “It is your right to marry an old lady. It is our right to choose a young president.”

It is the first time that Algeria has experienced a peaceful uprising full of humor, giving the image of a festive national uprising. Old-timers are saying they have not seen such joyful crowds since the independence celebration of July 1962.

The scale of the protests is so large that the regime cannot use violence to quell the peaceful uprising without putting at risk the unity of the army. The demonstrators want a transition led by credible people who never belonged to the regime.

Many observers of the Middle East/North Africa region fear that Algeria will repeat the Syrian nightmare, with its chaos and tragedy. A young woman who was demonstrating answered, “It won’t be Syria; it will be Tunisia, where the democratic transition got rid of the old regime.”

The example of Tunisia is evidence of this evolution. The main divide in Algeria now is between the majority of the population and the regime, widely perceived as corrupt. And that gives hope for a positive outcome to this uprising

Uprising in Sudan
In Sudan protests first broke out on December 19 in response to the tripling of bread prices, swiftly turning into nationwide rallies leading to the overthrowing of al-Bashir’s three-decade rule.

After his overthrow, protesters demonstrated against General Ahmed Awad Ibn Auf who took over as the first head of the military council, insisting he was a tool of the old regime. Ibn Auf stepped down in less than 24 hours and was replaced by al-Burhan, who so far has appeased protesters by lifting a night-time curfew and vowing to “uproot” al-Bashir’s circle.

Al-Bashir was replaced by a Military Transitional Council (MTC), which is now running the country’s affairs for a two-year “transitional period” during which presidential elections will eventually be held.

“The transitional military council is reluctant to hand over power. It appears that they lack solid political will to respond to the demands of the protesters on the ground. “The political civilian forces are still discussing the way to respond to this complicated transitional process. The expectations of the people are very high. People are so eager to see change said Ahmed Adam, a Sudanese lawyer and research associate at SOAS University of London.

Commenting on the success of the Algerian and Sudanese uprising which over threw their presidents well known columnist Marwan Bishara had this to state in an article titled “The art of revolution-What went right ion Sudan and Algeria.

Sudan and Algeria can easily evoke memories of the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions of 2010 and 2011. Like their neighbors, Sudanese and Algerian protesters managed to overthrow their autocratic leaders after decades of rule, in a matter of months, and without a single shot fired.

Marching, chanting, resisting and daring, the people of Sudan and Algeria pressed on with their calls for freedom and democracy until they were able to disarm the old guard – politicians and generals alike – and force them to acquiesce to their initial demands.

It may still be too early to judge, but so far it looks like these latecomers have learned important lessons from Arab as well as other revolutions. In fact, Sudan and Algeria may well be able to deter the counter-revolution and avert the dangers of civil war.

The signs are hopeful.
So far, revolutionaries in Sudan and Algeria are still firmly on the path of non-violence. The Algerian and Sudanese people celebrated the bloodless ouster of Bouteflika and al-Bashir, knowing well that this was only the beginning of a very long and fraught process.

In both Algeria and Sudan, the protesters know they need to get the military on their side and on their terms, like in Tunisia, in order to avoid an Egypt-like scenario.

Tunisia’s experience also teaches that protests must go on until a new transparent system of accountability is in place. This means knowing not only whom you oppose, but also what you want both in the short and long term. It’s rather easy to be against corrupt repressive leaders, but much harder to articulate and implement a vision for a better future. .

So far developments in Sudan and Algeria have gone in the right direction, but there is also a lot that can still go wrong, considering the road to democracy is full of traps and pitfalls.

If recent “Arab Spring” experiences are anything to go by, the worst is yet to come, especially, as the generals continue to vie for control.

But the long silenced Sudanese and Algerians majorities and their invisible elites have defied all the scare campaigns that warned of a descent into chaos. They have rejected all forms of domestic and foreign intervention, especially military intervention, to avoid the destruction seen in Libya, Syria and Yemen.

In short, they prefer to be self-reliant, buoyantly industrious and innovative revolutionaries. Ends